100 years since the election of radical leftists to the city hall, the citys social democratic base is slipping away.
Karl Marx-Hof, a kilometre-long municipal apartment block in Viennas wealthy 19th district, was first named after the father of the communist movement by Austrias Social Democratic Workers Party (SDAP) in 1927. Its imposing structure borrows from an eclectic mix of modernist, Bauhaus, art deco, neoclassical and baroque architectural styles. In the mould of early soviet experiments, the building, nicknamed The Palace of the Proletariat, housed shared childcare services, gardens and washrooms.
The building is Viennas most prominent physical reminder of a period known as Red Vienna, when left-wing radicals found themselves at the helm of the Hapsburgs former imperial capital during the aftermath of the First World War.
After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy in 1918, the SDAP won the fledgling republics first elections held under universal suffrage and commenced an ambitious programme of social and economic reform. Leading intellectual lights of the party sought to unite the two great strands of the 20th-century labour movement, reconciling parliamentary socialism and revolutionary communism under their new current of non-Bolshevik “Austro-Marxism”. Karl Marx-Hof epitomised their radical ambitions. “When we are no longer here”, Mayor Karl Seitz told an assembled crowd of workers at the buildings opening in 1930, “these bricks will speak or us.”
When I visited Karl Marx-Hof on a sunny day in June, Monica and George, two of its residents, were walking their two Chihuahuas around the estates leafy, quiet courtyards. “We moved here last year,” Monica tells me. “Its really nice because youve got a lot of green space in the middle of the city.”
The young couple are the beneficiaries of a generous system of public housing provision. Vienna has a relative abundance of high quality municipal flats compared with most large capitals. “We werent waiting long for the flat – moving in here was really fast”, Monica says. Currently, 60 per cent of Viennas residents live in either municipally owned, subsidised housing, or in social homes run by not-for-profit cooperatives. The remaining portion of private homes is subject to strict rent controls and regulations.
The social democrats and their less radical successors have remained the dominant party in Vienna since the citys first election, save for an 11-year hiatus of fascist dictatorship from 1934, followed by Anschluss and Nazi occupation from 1938. The city remains a red statelet in an otherwise conservative country. Indeed, Austria is now more associated with the far right than the radical left. But even Vienna is no longer immune to the trend of waning support for centre-left parties that has gripped European countries since 2008, and cracks are beginning to appear in its social democratic project.
Two exhibitions in the city – one in the former communal wash house of Karl Marx-Hof, the other in the grand Wien Museum MUSA – note the achievements of Red Viennas experiment in local socialism: the introduction of pensions and unemployment support; the establishment of a nascent public healthcare system; the opening of kindergartens, schools run on Montessori principles, public baths, open-air swimming pools, libraries, parks, leisure facilities, arts centres; and, of course, a programme of mass council house building, all paid for by a system of progressive income taxation coupled with duties on luxury goods, including servants, champagne, private cars and riding horses.
Unlike the Bolsheviks, (and partly because, as a provincial government, it lacked the powers to do so), the SDAP did not expropriate or nationalise factories or private industry without compensation, but instead paid former owners whenever buildings or land passed from private to public hands. The party built what it perceived to be the chrysalis of a new egalitarian society, while leaving the market and private ownership of the means of production largely intact. In many ways, its policies palliated the worst effects of early 20th century industrial capitalism like slum housing, mass unemployment and extreme poverty. Red Vienna laid the ground for the modern European welfare state, inspiring other social democratic governments across the continent to implement similar policies after the Second World War.
“Back then the social democrats were good,” Monica tells me, attempting to calm her excitable dogs by pulling on their leads. Does she intend to vote for the social democrats in the upcoming national elections in September? “We vote for the blue ones,” she answers. Monica and George will cast their vote for the Freheitliche Partei Osterreichs (FPO), the Freedom Party, an organisation founded after the Second World War by a former Nazi minister of agriculture and high-ranking SS officer. “Its because of all the refugees and all the violence thats going on here,” she claims. “Shootings are more frequent in Vienna.”
Austria has one of the lowest murder rates in the world, almost half that of England and Wales, and Vienna itself is known for its relative safety compared to other European capitals. But hundreds of thousands of refugees have travelled through Austria over the last four years. Many have made the city their home, but most have transited towards Germany, at Angela Merkels invitation. The mass movement of people from across the Mediterranean to central and northern Europe has ruptured the countrys social-democratic pact. In 2016, Norbert Hofer of the Freedom Party narrowly missed out on victory in the presidential election, receiving 46 per cent of the vote.
“Lots of people say theyre just racists,” Monica continues, visibly uncomfortable with the idea that people would attribute malice or prejudice to voters like herself. But she hastens to add that her views, and those of her partner George, arent necessarily typical of Viennas affluent 19th district. “There are very rich people here, so they vote for the party who protects their interests… Youll see a lot of big houses, so I think the OVP, the Peoples Party, would do well.”
The OVP is the more traditional centre-right party of Austrian politics, and wins the most seats in the 19th district. Yet the citys voting patterns are diverse. This is partly a result of the policies of successive social democratic administrations placing the integration of social classes and income levels at the heart of their municipal agenda. Subsidised housing can be found alongside wealthy private apartments in the city centre designed by Renzo Piano, and at the foot of the citys vineyards near up-market wine taverns. Kurt Puchinger, chair of wohnfonds_wien, the citys land and housing fund, tells me that the council “do not want to have a situation where you can identify the social status of a person by their home address.”
Despite the SDAPs century-long efforts to promote social cohesion, recent years have seen the rise the FPOs vote share at the expense of the left. Favoriten is a more solidly working class area of Vienna in the 10th district. There, according to Monica, “most vote for the Freedom Party because they are for stopping migration.” She pauses to consider her words. “Not stopping. Trying to find a way to filter them and control them. Every country has a problem like this.”
Monicas feeling for the electoral preferences of each of the various Viennese districts proves accurate. After the war, Favoriten elected communists as their local representatives. The district's loyalties quickly switched to the social democrats, and until 2005 the party could comfortably expect to receive over half the votes there, consistently getting more than double the votes of both the far-right Freedom Party and the centre-right Peoples Party. But in the most recent 2015 election, the Freedom Party won 24 seats and 38 per cent of the vote, only two points and one seat behind the social democrats. IRead More – Source